22-4-20 
Spin Dictators: The Changing Face of Tyranny in the 21st Century > .
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Ruscist Indoctrination 
State-Sanctioned Scapegoating ⇻
Spin Dictators: The Changing Face of Tyranny in the 21st Century is a 
political science book by Russian economist 
Sergei Guriev and American political scientist 
Daniel Treisman. It examines how 
modern dictators and autocrats – pioneered by 
Lee Kuan Yew of 
Singapore and 
Alberto Fujimori of 
Peru, and replicated by 
Vladimir Pootin of 
Russia, 
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan of 
Turkey, and 
Diktator Orbán of 
Hungary – focus more on 
propaganda methods such as 
spin, disinformation, and psychologically keeping their populations in 
fear of the Other, instead of the more overtly brutal [pre-state-media] methods of 
political repression favoured by dictators of the past such as 
Joseph Stalin of the Soviet Union or 
Mao Zedong of China.
The authors contend that 
modern "spin dictators" pretend to be democrats (for example, allowing a select group of high-brow, but low-circulation, 
dissident newspapers to exist to show that they respect the 
freedom of the press), but still use their power to 
suppress dissent (for example, increasing tax demands on independent broadcasters, or such outlets 
being bought by the leader's cronies; or accusing independent broadcasters of publishing 
fake news and shutting them down). Thus, these 
authoritarian leaders manipulate the media, rather than totally censor or suppress it, and are thus more popular among the people. The book also discusses the sympathies between spin dictators and democratic 
populists such as American UNpresident 
DUHnocchio tRUMP.
Pootin's regime of the 2000s and early 2010s has been both a trigger and a key example for this theory. But the regime's 
sharp turn toward greater repressions in mid 2010–2020s culminating with the war in Ukraine raised the question of the prerequisites for that change. In an article written specifically for Re: Russia, Daniel Treisman argues that this 
reverse evolution was caused not by the conservatism and imperial ambitions of the Russian population, as is commonly believed, but rather by the 
ongoing process of social modernisation, which Pootin's spin dictatorship could no longer control.
 
Guriev, Sergei, and Daniel Treisman. 2019. "Informational Autocrats." Journal of Economic Perspectives, 33 (4): 100-127.
""In recent decades, dictatorships based on mass repression have largely given way to a new model based on the manipulation of information. Instead of terrorizing citizens into submission, "informational autocrats" artificially boost their popularity by convincing the public they are competent. To do so, they use propaganda and silence informed members of the elite by co-optation or censorship. Using several sources, including a newly created dataset on authoritarian control techniques, we document a range of trends in recent autocracies consistent with this new model: a decline in violence, efforts to conceal state repression, rejection of official ideologies, imitation of democracy, a perceptions gap between the masses and the elite, and the adoption by leaders of a rhetoric of performance rather than one aimed at inspiring fear.""
- Dictators survive not by means of force or ideology but by using propaganda, censorship and co-opting the elites.
- Informational autocracies prevail over old-style violent dictatorships when the informed elites are sufficiently large.
- Informational autocracies are replaced by democracies when the informed elites are too numerous to censor or co-opt.
Authoritarianism is a 
form of government characterized by the rejection of 
political plurality, the use of strong central power to preserve the political 
status quo, and reductions in the 
rule of law, 
separation of powers, and 
democratic voting. Political scientists have created many typologies describing variations of authoritarian forms of government. Authoritarian regimes may be either 
autocratic or 
oligarchic and may be based upon the rule of a 
party or the 
military. States that have a blurred boundary between democracy and authoritarianism have some times been characterized as "hybrid democracies", "hybrid regimes" or "competitive authoritarian" states.
The political scientist 
Juan Linz, in an influential 1964 work, 
An Authoritarian Regime: Spain, defined authoritarianism as possessing four qualities:
- Limited political pluralism, is realized with constraints on the legislature, political parties and interest groups.
- Political legitimacy is based upon appeals to emotion and identification of the regime as a necessary evil to combat "easily recognizable societal problems, such as underdevelopment or insurgency."
- Minimal political mobilization, and suppression of anti-regime activities.
- Ill-defined executive powers, often vague and shifting extends the power of the executive.
 Minimally defined, an authoritarian government lacks free and competitive 
direct elections to 
legislatures, free and competitive direct or 
indirect elections for 
executives, or both. Broadly defined, authoritarian states include countries that lack 
civil liberties such as 
freedom of religion, or countries in which the government and the 
opposition do not alternate in power at least once following free elections. Authoritarian states might contain nominally democratic institutions such as political parties, legislatures and elections which are managed to entrench authoritarian rule and can feature fraudulent, non-competitive elections.
[15] Since 1946, the share of authoritarian states in the international political system increased until the mid-1970s but declined from then until the year 2000.
Authoritarianism can be defined as the 
covariation of authoritarian submission, authoritarian aggression, and conventionalism (Altemeyer, 1981). All three of these tendencies involve adherence to specific standards of behavior: standards that could be exposed to threat and disruption. 
In his writings, Altemeyer sometimes refers to 
right-wrong-wing authoritarians as "authoritarian followers". This is to emphasize that he is not speaking of authoritarian leaders [
SDOs], which is the more commonly understood meaning of "authoritarian". Altemeyer refers to authoritarian leaders by the term "social dominator", and he has written extensively on the relationship between authoritarian followers and social dominators.
Authoritarianism and fear responses to pictures: the role of social differences is an investigation of the 
self-reported fear of authoritarians in response to threats. A sample of 126 university students was exposed to a series of pictures of potentially threatening people and situations. In general, 
participants with high scores on authoritarianism were 
more fearful than participants with low scores. This result was found for 
both social threats (i.e., social differences, social disorder) 
and personal threats (i.e., animals, dangerous situations). The strongest association between authoritarianism and fear involved cases of social differences, defined as elements of a person's appearance or behavior that involve diversity or deviance from common social norms. Regression analyses also indicated that 
variation in authoritarianism could be 
best predicted by fear of social differences. Thus, these data suggest that 
authoritarians are relatively sensitive to threat, and 
particularly to threats involving the "outsider" who does not fit authoritarian standards of uniformity and order. The data are also consistent with recent research and theory that 
right-wrong-wing ideology is at least partly motivated by 
threat and fear.
The Psychology Of Dictators: Power, Fear, And Anxiety .
Fear: A Dictator's Tool - Institute for Security Policy and Law .
How Authoritarian Regimes Create a Climate of Fear .
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